Fashion and Social Change in the Aftermath of the Black Death
fashion is a subject of study for its impact on class dynamics, the formation of identities, and pathways to social mobility.
The advent of fashion ushered in a new era characterized by a fervor for innovation and rapid shifts in taste, disrupting longstanding habits in dress and the meanings attached to attire. This development marked a pivotal moment in human history, introducing a new set of values into social structures that influenced the behavior of individuals and the strategies of economic organizations. Therefore, fashion serves as a potent social indicator, reflecting the hierarchies and power dynamics within societies. Its significance transcends mere aesthetics, shaping and symbolizing social hierarchy, economic disparities, and cultural identities. In social science, fashion is a subject of study for its impact on class dynamics, the formation of identities, and pathways to social mobility. It operates as a visual language, communicating messages about the wearer's status, wealth, and aspirations.
A widely accepted view of the Black Death is that its devastating impact on population size not only substantially raised wages for lower classes but also prompted profound structural changes and societal transformations in Europe. This period marked a notable shift towards materialism, with fashion emerging as a means of asserting identity and challenging established norms. According to Mary Stella Newton (1999), there was a distinct change in clothing styles for both men and women during this era. The loose, draped robes of earlier centuries gave way to more form-fitting garments, a shift observed not only in Flanders, France, England, and Italy but across various regions. This transformation affected not just the upper classes but also permeated through to the lower classes, thereby influencing the entire contemporary dress code system.
Fashion during this period became an iconic mass social phenomenon. It was not merely about personal expression or aesthetic preferences but was deeply intertwined with social dynamics. The increased prosperity and changing economic conditions led to a blending of styles among different classes. The increased wealth among the lower classes allowed them to adopt styles previously reserved for the elite, blurring the lines between different social strata. This challenged the established social order as individuals from the lower classes began to imitate the clothing styles of the elite.
In 1348 England, the lower classes dressing nicely were seen as pretentious. The monk Ranulf Higden complained, “a yeoman arrays himself as a squire, a squire as a knight, a knight as a duke, and a duke as a king.” The chronicler of Westminster saw medieval spice girls everywhere – “dress in clothes that are so tight … they [have to wear] a fox tail hanging down inside of their skirts to hide their arses.” Henry Knighton wrote in the renewal of the statute of laborers in 1388, “The pride of the lower orders has so blossomed forth and grown these days in fine dress and splendid display – in the variety of fashions – that one can hardly distinguish one person from another because of their gorgeous clothes and accessories.”
Similar transformations also happened in Italy, as poet Antonio da Ferrara (1313-1374) attacked Venetian personal hygiene:
There are people who wear outfits
of ermine lined with sendal,
but they don’t have money to pay the rent
and there’s no bread or wine in their homes.
They haven’t got a change of underwear,
their cloaks are worn-out and shortened,
their socks and stockings are coarse.
They even pawn their purses and knives.
Now I’ll turn the page and address their wives.
They walk around with four rings on their hands,
which would be enough if they were knights.
If you could get a sight of their lingerie,
you’d find their blouses much blacker
than really dark blackberries.
They stuff themselves with apples and pears,
but don’t do their laundry in a twelvemonth.
The transformation of clothing not only suggests dramatic changes in wealth but also signifies a breakdown of social status. An Evesham chronicler objected to extravagant fashion in dress, noting that they blurred the distinctions between social groups; the servants and masters could hardly be distinguished. Henry Knighton made the same point, stating that “the humble cannot be distinguished from the great, the poor from the rich, the servant from his master, nor the priest from anyone else, but each imitates the other and strives to introduce some new fashion and to excel his superior by wearing even grander clothes.” He considered this a result of the labor shortage created by the Black Death.
The “gilding of the market” was expected in the affluent European cities. However, this upturn also extended to small towns, rural districts, middle-tier economies, and previously marginalized and impoverished areas. Tuscan tax records indicate that "large swathes of the countryside experienced growing prosperity during the fifteenth century."
The trade in goods related to clothing and apparel also confirms the significant changes in fashion and clothing during the late fourteenth century. Woolens, linens, and cottons could vary from luxuries to everyday comforts depending on their quality. While Europe's cotton cloth industry is typically associated with the eighteenth century, an earlier industry – fustian production – combined imported cotton with local linen fibers and provided a more affordable option compared to pure cottons. Historians consider the introduction of fustian weaving in the late fourteenth century a significant innovation.
Although some fustian was made in Italy before 1350, the industry flourished afterward, first in northern Italy and then in Germany, where 60 towns were engaged in it by 1500. The quantities of cotton involved were modest; for instance, Cologne imported 18 tons annually between 1414 and 1432. Mixed with linen, this amounted to approximately 5400 bolts or 243,000 square meters of cloth. Augsburg, a major center for fustian production, saw output rise from 12,000 bolts in 1385 to 85,000 by 1410. These figures indicate a growing presence of the "lower orders" in the fustian market.
England had historically been the leading supplier of wool. During the early years of the plague, the export of English raw wool notably decreased, yet this was offset by rising domestic demand and increased exports of manufactured wool cloth. The total value of wool exports, including both raw and manufactured, surged from £250,000 to £500,000 between 1350 and 1450, marking a quadrupling per capita. As for linen, imports into England are estimated to have grown tenfold from 1390 to 1530. Flax and linen production on the continent burgeoned, east and west.
The rise of fashion among the lower classes did not go unnoticed by the ruling elite. In response to the increasing display of wealth and the blurring of social distinctions through clothing, sumptuary laws were enacted. These laws aimed to regulate and restrict excessive expenditure on clothing and other luxury items, seeking to preserve the social hierarchy by maintaining clear distinctions in dress.
Sumptuary laws were a reaction to the perceived threat posed by the changes in clothing and the development of fashion. According to Alan Hunt (1996), sumptuary restrictions only follow on from the appearance of some fragility in or challenge to an existing pattern of social differentiation. They played no significant part during the formative period of hierarchic social order and do not figure significantly until hierarchical social orders come under serious pressure. Sumptuary law was an expression of a conservative defense of a hierarchical social order whose mode of existence came to be threatened by the rise of new economic and social forces. In other words, there was more to sumptuary law than the attempt to impose a legislative brake on rising prosperity and egalitarianism.
A notable increase in sumptuary laws occurred from 1350 onwards. The term “sumptuous” appears more frequently in legislative texts during this period. In the twelfth century, luxury was seen as detrimental to military prowess, but from the fourteenth century, the language of sumptuary legislation adopted the economic notion of “costly.” In 1366, the Irish parliament enacted the “Statutes of Kilkenny,” which included regulations on dress, mandating English customs and fashion and imposing penalties on those who did not comply.
In England, sumptuary laws in 1363 outlined detailed regulations specifying appropriate clothing and food based on social status. These laws aimed to reinforce visual identities that corresponded to one’s place in the social hierarchy. The regulations were detailed and encompassed a wide range of aspects, including types of cloth, colors, and accessories. They also extended to food and drink, with regulations on the types of meals and ingredients that different social classes were allowed to consume.
Despite the restrictions imposed by sumptuary laws, the increase in material consumption and improvements in clothing were significant. These changes did not fundamentally alter the social structure of Europe but marked a period of notable societal developments. Some scholars consider this era as the beginning of modern fashion in Europe, characterized by a transformation in clothing styles and an increased emphasis on material goods. This period showcased the profound impact of the Black Death on European society, leading some to view it as a golden age for the lower classes lasting about 150 years.
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